请将下面这段英语翻译成中文吧,谢谢!（自己翻译的文档丢失了,最近又没时间再翻译.）

请将下面这段英语翻译成中文吧,谢谢!（自己翻译的文档丢失了,最近又没时间再翻译.）
The Russian revolution was brought about by the masses in the broadest sense of that term, if we include, as we must, the February revolution and the Civil War. It created a very real notion of popular power, which had to be accommodated within the Marxist concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Given the social structure of Russia at the time, there was bound to be conflict between this concept and the emerging reality. This dissonance was eclipsed, rather than resolved, by the fact that the party from an early date put itself above class. The theoretical stratagems which this process involved and the ways in which the party succeeded in thus holding the ring , cannot detain us here, though the latter have been touched on above. What must be noted is that, once the doctrine of socialism in one country had been established, and ironically once the party had made war on the peasantry in the collectivisation campaign, the myth of the dictatorship of the proletariat came to be overlaid with a much more vital myth of social unity a myth which stressed the unity of party and the masses. This myth played down differentiation and promoted a collective social consciousness. In the arguments which have raged over the conversion to the dictatorship of the proletariat into the dictatorship over the proletariat an equally important point is obscured: the dissolution of the proletariat into the national masses a process ill concealed behind the prominent Soviet formula of the "toiling masses".
The importance of this consideration for a discussion of participation in the Soviet Union cannot be overestimated, since participation which differentiates the masses organisationally is ruled out. Thus party political organisation, and the formation of pressure groups as the Western world knows them, have no place. True, the structure of administrative and professional life yields bureaucratic particularisms which by their nature take organisational form, and it yields also, to some extent, regional particularisms. But there is no room for the spontaneous formation of organisations with political aims, and, with strict control of the means of communication, the expression of public opinion is muted. We must look elsewhere for forms of participation.
请不要用翻译软件直接翻

俄国革命群众领广义上,谓之,如果我们包括,由于我们必须,2月革命和内战.它创造了一个非常真实的概念,流行的力量平衡的概念在马克思主义无产阶级专政.给俄罗斯的社会结构,注定要当冲突这个概念新兴的现实.失去了这种不和谐,而不是解决,到这样的事实:党免于早日上面将自己阶级.这一过程的理论策略和有关当事人的方式成功地因此控股这枚戒指,不能耽搁我们这里,后者虽都被感动了在上面的.必须指出的是,一旦教条的一个国家中的社会主义成立以来,并且讽刺地一旦上争战了农民在惨死运动,神话无产阶级专政的包了更重要的神话的社会团结一个神话的统一,强调党和群众打成一片.这个神话打到分化和促进了社会集体意识.43在争论,这样在一个转换到无产阶级专政的无产阶级专政同样重要的一点是:被解散了在民族群众无产阶级过程背后隐藏的突出苏联病的“劳苦大众公式.
考虑到它的重要性的参与讨论苏联也不过分,因为参与群众是不同的organisationally审验.因此政党政治组织,而形成压力集团作为西部世界认识他们,没有地方.真正的、结构的行政或职业生涯官僚particularisms收益之自然任组织形式,可同时,在某种程度上,区域particularisms.但没有地方可再摆一个自发形成加强政治目标,严格控制的交流方式,表达对舆论的宣泄.我们必须寻找其他的形式的参加
不是自己翻译的 对不起 我不知道你要干什么 但你既然要翻译我就给你了 虽然用了翻译工具也没什么 吧 以后要翻译东西就到这翻...